America's War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History

America's War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History by Andrew J. Bacevich Read Free Book Online Page B

Book: America's War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History by Andrew J. Bacevich Read Free Book Online
Authors: Andrew J. Bacevich
Tags: United States, General, History, Military, Political Science, middle east, World, Middle Eastern
Bakr al-Baghdadi held the key to putting things right. Today all but one of these unsavory figures have passed from the scene, their departure bringing the United States not one whit closer to a definitive outcome. And although American air strikes or commandos may one day bag the sole remaining survivor—ISIS leader al-Baghdadi—no reason exists to expect his elimination to have a decisive effect. 6
    Today the problems besetting the Greater Middle East are substantially greater than they were when substantial numbers of U.S. forces first began venturing into the region. We may argue over the underlying sources of those problems and about how to allocate culpability. Multiple factors are involved, among them pervasive underdevelopment, a dearth of enlightened local leadership, the poisonous legacy of European imperialism, complications stemming from the founding of Israel, deep historical divisions within Islam itself, and the challenge of reconciling faith with modernity in a region where religion pervades every aspect of daily life. But there is no arguing that U.S. efforts to alleviate the dysfunction so much in evidence have failed abysmally.

    To address this sort of situation, there are two broad ways of employing military power. The first is to wait things out—insulating yourself from the problem’s worst effects while promoting a nonviolent solution from within. This requires patience and comes with no guarantee of ultimate success. With all the usual caveats attached, this is the approach the United States took during the Cold War.
    The second approach is more direct. It aims to eliminate the problem through sustained, relentless military action. This entails less patience but incurs greater near-term costs. After a certain amount of shillyshallying, it was this head-on approach that the Union adopted during the Civil War.
    In the War for the Greater Middle East, the United States chose neither to contain nor to crush, instead charting a course midway in between. In effect, it chose aggravation. With politicians and generals too quick to declare victory and with the American public too quick to throw their hands up when faced with adversity, U.S. forces rarely stayed long enough to finish the job. Instead of intimidating, U.S. military efforts have annoyed, incited, and generally communicated a lack of both competence and determination.
    In the ultimate irony, somewhere in the interval between Operation Eagle Claw and Operation Inherent Resolve, the circumstances that had made the Persian Gulf worth fighting for in the first place ceased to pertain. If today the American way of life still depends, for better or for worse, on having access to plentiful reserves of oil and natural gas, then the Western Hemisphere, not the Persian Gulf, deserves top billing in the Pentagon’s hierarchy of strategic priorities. Defending Canada and Venezuela should take precedence over defending Saudi Arabia and Iraq. To put it another way, the United States would be better served to secure its own neighborhood rather than vainly attempting to police the Greater Middle East—and it would likely enjoy greater success, to boot.
    Even so, shorn of its initial rationale, the War for the Greater Middle East continues. The line in the sand that Carter drew along Iran’s Zagros Mountains now stretches from Central Asia through the Middle East and across the width of Africa. That the ongoing enterprise may someday end—that U.S. troops will finally depart—appears so unlikely as to make the prospect unworthy of discussion. Like the war on drugs or the war on poverty, the War for the Greater Middle East has become a permanent fixture in American life and is accepted as such.

    Among the factors contributing to the lack of any serious challenge to the war’s perpetuation, four stand out. One is the absence of an antiwar or anti-interventionist political party worthy of the name. The ongoing war has long since acquired a perfidious seal

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