Attila by Ross Laidlaw Read Free Book Online Page B

silence as the three condemned were led towards the five-hundred-foot drop. Two began struggling and crying for their mothers as they were dragged to the edge before being hurled over. Bodies twisting and flailing, they screamed all the way down. Pleading with his guards, Barsich prevailed on them to release him, so that he could die with honour. Freed from their grip, he walked calmly to the lip of the precipice and stepped into the abyss . . .
    â€˜Did he really have to die, Father?’ Carpilio fought to keep his voice from breaking.
    The general placed a hand on his son’s shoulder, which was shaking with the boy’s suppressed sobs. ‘Some day you’ll understand,’ he said gently. ‘As long as it stays strong and brave, a people will survive. Just so long – no longer. We Romans should remember that.’
    The love and admiration Carpilio felt for his father were joined by a disturbing intruder. Fear.

FOUR
    Athaulf himself was badly wounded in the assault [on Marseille, in 413], by the valorous Boniface
    Olympiodorus of Thebes,
Memoirs
,
c
. 427
    General Flavius Aetius, Master of the Horse in Gaul, second-in-command in Italy, and now (thanks to the hold his Huns had given him over Placidia) Count, was in a sanguine mood as he rode home from the imperial palace. His campaign against Boniface was going better than he’d dared to hope. So well in fact that, less than an hour ago, Placidia had promised him that the imperial summons recalling Boniface from Africa would be on its way by fast courier that very afternoon.
    Boniface: virtual ruler of Africa, and commander of all its forces; terror of the barbarians; friend of the clergy, especially Augustine, the saintly Bishop of Hippo; loyal champion of Placidia, sticking by her during her exile in Constantinople and the usurper Ioannes episode. The Count of Africa was now the only obstacle between Aetius and supreme power in the West. It had ever been thus in the Roman world (or in either of the two Roman worlds that now existed), the general reflected. There had never been room for two rivals to co-exist: Scipio
v
. Cato, Octavian
v
. Marcus Antonius, Constantine
v
. Maxentius, Placidia and Valentinian
v
. Ioannes. And now Aetius
v
. Boniface. For the victor, either the purple or command of the army. For the loser, death. (A vanquished rival, always a potential focus for disaffection, was too dangerous to be permitted to live.)
    Yet what was at stake was immeasurably more significant than a personal vendetta, Aetius thought, the pounding rhythm of his horse’s hoofbeats somehow conducive to the free flowing of ideas. It involved nothing less than the proper governance, and perhaps even the survival, of the Western Empire. For all his good points (and he had many, Aetius conceded, courage and magnanimity being the most outstanding), Boniface lacked the ruthless will andclarity of vision demanded of whoever ruled the West. His unshakeable loyalty to Placidia would ensure that, should he gain power at the expense of Aetius, he would share it with the Augusta, like some latter-day Mark Antony to Placidia’s Cleopatra. And that would be disastrous for Rome. Placidia’s priorities were narrowly dynastic, and her indulgent treatment of Valentinian, who already showed signs of a weak yet vicious nature, would mean power eventually transferring to an unstable degenerate.
    â€˜When did it all go wrong for Rome, old friend?’ he murmured to Bucephalus, feeling the muscles bunch and flow beneath him as the great horse ate up the miles in an effortless canter. ‘You were not born when it started, and I was but a boy.’ His mind flashed back twenty years to that fatal crossing of the Rhenus 1 by a Germanic confederation, which had brought about a fundamental change in Rome’s stance regarding the barbarians: accommodation rather than exclusion.
    The consequences today of that mass invasion had been cataclysmic. With its