underneath, and with the loss of
power in Washington and the potential loss of billions in property (slaves) looming overhead, preserving the way of life meant
stirring the collective patriotism of the New South—as well as creating fissures within.
Davis knew his whole political existence and that of his colleagues had been built around state rights as supreme. To have
a chance at winning the new war, however, he would need sweeping, central powers—both organizationally and militarily. State
rights had allowed sovereign states to secede and determine their own destiny without consultation with other states. But
now the Confederate States of America needed to act as one.
Davis felt that in order to have any chance at all, he needed to implement a five-part strategy. First, he would need to build
an integrated and well-trained army for the defense of the Confederacy rather than depending on state militias controlled
by the governors. The state forces had little uniformity and coordination from state to state, and they depended on local,
limited resources in terms of leadership, manpower, money, arms, supplies, subsistence, manufacturing, and transportation,
all of which probably could have been better procured and allocated on a national level.
Second, Davis would need to make the most of international politics. A national, Confederate effort would stand a much better
chance of obtaining recognition from Britain or France than could the accomplishments of individual states. Davis felt that
a comprehensive national plan for the export of cotton, tobacco, rice, and sugar could build credit and trade so as to produce
economic stability and recognition.
Third, a national effort would be required to build a navy in order to break the blockade of Southern seaports, open the rivers
to commerce, and disrupt Yankee shipping on the high seas.
Fourth, Davis realized that in order to win any war against Lincoln, the South would need to organize massive raids that would
threaten Union strongholds such as St. Louis, Cincinnati, Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and Harrisburg. Such offensive
moves would cause the Yankees to tire of their “aggressive” warfare, he thought, and yearn for an armistice. It would be far
more practical to wage war against the United States from Virginia than from Alabama. But on April 4, a Thursday, the convention
rejected—by a vote of eighty-nine to forty-five—a motion to pass an ordinance of secession.
Fifth, Davis desperately needed to believe that the North was only marginally interested in the slavery issue. Although the
vast majority of Yankees certainly didn’t go to war to end slavery, and many were as racist as the most racist Southerners,
Davis risked the question. He hoped that over time most Northerners would decide a war over slaves was not worth the effort.
Whatever the Yankees thought, there was no turning back now. On Saturday, April 6, Lincoln sent a message to South Carolina’s
governor, Francis Pickens, informing him that the Federal fort in Charleston Harbor, Fort Sumter, would be resupplied with
provisions, but no arms. Lincoln also stated that if there was no resistance from the South Carolina militia, the Yankees
would not reinforce the fort with more troops or weaponry. It was an aggressive move, but after vigorous debate, the infant
Confederate government ordered Brig. Gen. Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard to stop any Yankee supply mission, even if it
meant firing on the fort. Influenced by the Confederate Congress, Jefferson Davis had appointed Beauregard, the first brigadier
general in the Provisional Army of the Confederate States, to supervise the military district around Charleston. One of the
most colorful military men of the day, Beauregard was short and slight, bristled with energy, and was expertly trained in
a wide variety of subjects. Not only was Beauregard a superb engineer, but he had also been
The Scarletti Curse (v1.5)