the discussion grows heated, and if the weary king had not ordered them both to calm down, Ali Naqvi and Jai Lal would most certainly have come to blows. This confrontation is the last straw for the two men who have always despised each other. The former, an old aristocrat, astute and corrupt, has nothing but contempt for the military man of recent nobility, with his behaviour and language that are far too direct. All things considered, the corruption this greenhorn criticises him for is far more convivial, when executed elegantly, than boring, blunt honesty. As for Jai Lal, the prime minister represents everything he detestsâhypocrisy and political short-sightedness, minor compromises and great cowardice, which have imperceptibly brought the carefree Lucknawi society to its present crisis.
âI have given my opinion and have nothing more to add. Would Your Majesty permit me to retire?â whispers the prime minister, hoping all the while he will be asked to remain.
But the king has heard enough for the moment; he wants to speak to his friend alone. With a sweeping gesture, he dismisses all his advisors.
Then, turning to the rajah:
âDo you really think we stand a chance?â
âI think we can win if we are united. In any event, surely you will not give in and let these bandits steal Awadh from you! We must fight, Your Majesty. Your honour is at stake, as is that of your family, who shaped this prosperous kingdom and edified this admirable town, the pearl of northern India! And then think of your people! They trust you, how could you abandon them to these foreigners, who have nothing but contempt for their values and want to force them to adopt their own, supposedly for their own good?â
The rajah has turned purple with indignation:
âThe tactics are always the same! When a power has decided to invade, they accuse you of every crime under the sun: either you are a cruel dictator, or you are incompetent. Public opinionâfor in these so-called âcivilisedâ countries, they prefer to have the support of public opinionâis manipulated by a press that meticulously describes the supposed vices of the man to be brought down. Of course, you know the British press portrays you as a libertine and a drunkard, although you have never touched a drop of wine, you scrupulously pray five times a day, and no woman lies with you without first receiving the
maulvi
âs blessings 31 !â
âI know all that, as well as how powerless we are in the face of this slander . . . But tell me, you who are a military man, how much time do you need to gather the taluqdars and prepare our forces?â
âAbout two weeks.â
âAnd I have three days to give them an answer! If I refuse, the British army will march on Lucknow, it will be a bloodbath. No, my friend, resistance is impossible. I would be sacrificing my people in vain.â
âYou will agree to abdicate?â
âNever! To take control, they will have to violate the treaty and remove me by force. The whole world will see them as the aggressors they are, I am sure they will hesitate.â
âDo not delude yourself, Your Majesty, the world forgets very quickly. One event erases another, and he who is in power imposes his own version of history, which, within a few years, becomes the unquestionable truth.â
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* * *
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On the afternoon of February 1st, 1856, at precisely 4 oâclock, Colonel James Outram, followed by an interpreter, arrives at the entrance to one of the most sumptuous palaces in Lucknow, Chaulakhi Palace, the Queen Motherâs residence. The latter has asked to see him and he eagerly responds to her invitation. She has her sonâs ear and he hopes to be able to convince him through her. If the king would only listen to reason and agree to relinquish power, it would be a thousand times preferable to an annexation, which is likely to provoke violent reactions, as he has