took precedence over purely military considerations. So it was that,
rather than leading a strike force such as Cyrus would have recognized,
capable of descending on the lumbering infantrymen of the enemy
with the same murderous speed that had always proved so lethal to the
Greeks of Ionia, he opted instead to summon a tribute of contingents
from all the manifold subject peoples of his empire, a coalition if not
of the willing then of the submissively dutiful, at any rate. Naturally,
this swelling of his army with a vast babel of poorly armed levies repre-
sented a fearsome headache for his harassed commissariat, but Xerxes
judged that it was necessary to the proper maintenance of his dignity.
After all, to what did the presence in his train of the full astounding
diversity of his tributaries give glorious expression if not his rank as
the lieutenant on earth of Ahura Mazda? Nor was that all. The rumor
of his approach, assiduously fanned by Persian agents, promised fair
to overwhelm the Greeks with sheer terror—or else, at the thought
of all the potential pickings on offer, with greed. It must have seemed
to Xerxes, as he embarked on his great expedition, that the whole of
Greece would end up dropping like overripe fruit into his lap.
But it did not. Indeed, for al the wel -honed bril iance of the invad-
ers’ propaganda chiefs, they found themselves, over the course of the
invasion, being repeatedly outsmarted by the Greeks. What made this
26 Holland
al the more striking an upset was that the Persians, in the opening
rounds of the campaign, did indeed have genuine triumphs to trumpet.
At the mountain pass of Thermopylae, for instance, their achievement
in dislodging a force of five thousand heavy infantry from a nearly im-
pregnable position, in wiping out hundreds of the supposedly invincible
Spartans, and in kil ing one of their kings was a thumping one. No won-
der that Xerxes invited sailors from his fleet to tour the Hot Gates, “so
that they might see how the Great King deals with those lunatics who
presume to oppose him.”17 No wonder either that the Peloponnesian
land forces, brought the news of Thermopylae, immediately scuttled
back behind the line of the Isthmus of Corinth and refused to reemerge
from their bolt-hole for almost a year. Clearly, then, for any Greek re-
solved to continue the fight, it was essential to transmute the disaster at
the Hot Gates into a display of heroism sufficiently glorious to inspire
the whole of Greece to continued defiance. Indeed, in the immediate
wake of Thermopylae, with their city defenseless before the Persian
juggernaut, the Athenians had, if anything, an even greater stake than
the Spartans in casting the dead king and his bodyguards as martyrs for
liberty. Perhaps, then, it is an index of their success that the Pelopon-
nesians, in the wake of the capture of Athens and the burning of the
temples on the Acropolis, did not withdraw their fleets as they had pre-
viously withdrawn their land forces but were prepared instead to join
with the Athenian ships and make a stand in the straits of Salamis. By
doing so they demonstrated that the spin of the Greek propagandists
had indeed been something more than spin: that the bloody defeat at
Thermopylae had been, precisely as they had claimed, a kind of victory.
It was to prove a decisive one as well. At Salamis and at Plataea, on
sea and then on land, the Greek allies crushingly repulsed the amphibi-
ous task force that had been ranged against them and ensured that the
Pax Persica would not be extended to Greece. The failure of the at-
tempt had certainly not been due to Persian effeminacy, or softness, or
any lack of courage, “for in bravery and strength,” as the Greeks them-
selves freely acknowledged, “the two sides were evenly matched.”18
Indisputably, however, in man-to-man combat, Greek equipment and
training had proven far superior, for Plataea had confirmed
S. Ravynheart, S.A. Archer
Stephen G. Michaud, Roy Hazelwood