The Other Side of Midnight by Mike Heffernan Read Free Book Online Page B

theory, offers owner operators some flexibility to move between stands, the reality is much different. The Commission of Inquiry determined that the regulations unfairly bind an independent operator to a stand, and that the opportunity to move was “exceptionally small and in most cases not practical.” One taxicab driver spoke candidly about switching stands: “What’s better, the devil you know, or the devil you don’t know?”
    Stand owners maintain that they play the necessary role of disciplinarian. In a brief prepared for St. John’s City Council in June 1987, the United Taximen’s Association, a now extinct stand owners’ advocacy group, stated that this aspect of ownership “ensured good taxi service to the public.” However, drivers are sometimes subject to the removal of equipment, arbitrary dismissal and blackballing, or collusion amongst stand owners. Beginning in the mid-1970s, the city permitted each stand to hire up to three part-time drivers. Now the taxicab industry depends upon a steady stream of these drivers, hired at the discretion of the stand owner, broker or independent operator, and whose income and record of employment often goes undocumented. This lack of regulation and entry level training encourages low standards of employment and a seemingly limitless pool of drivers operating around the clock.
    Inadequate car maintenance is another serious problem. Pressured by high insurance premiums and other exorbitant start-up costs, few taxicab drivers buy new cars and many are stretched beyond 300,000 kilometres. In fact, high mileage automobiles are often purchased at auction, and regular maintenance is sometimes curtailed because of slim profit margins. Poor suspension and bad brakes are not uncommon. One driver explained, “The cars are complete junk. The owners don’t care what happens to nothing. They got to get their cars moving.”
    The taxicab industry was once administered by a full-time inspector. But the bylaw sets only minimum standards for the conduct of drivers and the acceptance of vehicles as taxicabs. Currently, two enforcement officers are responsible for issuing licences, investigating complaints and ticketing bylaw infractions for the Department of Building and Property Management. With limited
manpower and resources, it’s often difficult to ensure that stand owners and brokers are meeting basic standards. This invariably affects the quality of service provided to the public.
    St. John’s taxicab drivers have made several attempts to mobilize their ranks. The United Taxi Drivers’ Association, formed in 1985, had as its stated purpose to “promote the welfare of the members of the association with a view to enhancing their business” and to “examine problems pertaining to the operation of taxis.” They had hoped to create a balance of power between stand owners, brokers and taxicab drivers. But taxicab drivers have always been difficult to organize. The highly competitive nature of the industry is a dividing force. Drivers are also physically separated from one another, creating an isolating work environment. Co-Op Taxi Ltd. emerged as a response to the failure of the association to force real change upon what taxicab drivers saw as an “industry in crisis.” Owned and operated by taxicab drivers, their goal was to help reshape their public image and, through a cost-sharing model, increase their constantly diminishing profits.
    Failing to find consensus and solutions, beginning in 1989, the city conducted a Commission of Inquiry into the taxicab industry. The Commission spent a year consulting drivers, brokers and stand owners, as well as the public, and reviewing the appropriateness of the bylaw. The final report, released in late 1990, dealt with issues that had dogged the industry for decades. Improving the quality of drivers, reversing the system of servitude to stand owners, and clarifying