opportunities and risks that came with
closer political and commercial ties to Rome disrupted local patronage
and authority, and the resulting political centralization was thus both a
defensive response and an opportunistic one. This is most likely what
produced the “tribes” in southern Britain in the era between Julius Caesar’s raids and the Claudian occupation. Having conquered a territory,
the Romans explicitly encouraged the codifi cation of tribal identities to
make better sense of alien and fl uid societies. Drawing on the eastern
practice of governing through the leading citizens of Greek city-states,
the Romans treated tribes as urban civitates .
The leaders of these new tribes became romanized as they shared
in the benefi ts of the Roman imperial project, but it is much harder
to judge the impact of romanization on conquered majorities. Coopted tribal aristocrats contributed to the evolving imperial culture,
but almost certainly most common people continued to identify more
strongly with their localities than with distant Rome. Assimilation did
28 THE RULE OF EMPIRES
not turn entire populations into Romans and probably did not bring
much relief from demands for tribute, labor, and taxes. The empire’s
aristocratic classes exploited their lower classes without regard as to
whether they were Roman or not. For the vast majority of people,
the Roman conquest did not bring assimilation and a chance to live a
better life. While it exposed subject peoples to new ideas and cultures,
imperial rule primarily brought greater tribute demands and more
effi cient extraction.
Ironically, Rome’s great imperial expansion took place under the
republic, making it a de facto empire before it actually had an emperor.
Rome began as a small city-state in the eighth century b.c., and its
fi rst subjects were its neighbors in the Latin League. The league, a
coalition of culturally related cities, was a mutual defense alliance,
but by the early fourth century b.c. it was fi rmly under the sway
of Rome. The Romans then imposed their will on central Italy and
drove the Greeks from the south. By the mid-third century b.c. they
had become a dominant power in the Mediterranean by defeating
Carthage in the First Punic War. In the last years of the republic,
Rome acquired Greece, most of Spain, Gaul, Libya, Numidia, Egypt,
Syria, and substantial stretches of Asia Minor and the Balkans.
Where the early republican leaders were initially reluctant to make
their annexations permanent, after the civil war of 81 b.c., ambitious
senators and military men often seized territory to further personal
ambitions.
At fi rst the Romans were not conscious empire builders. Sometimes Rome acquired territory at the behest of weak states that
sought its protection; in other instances Romans fought stronger,
threatening powers. In Asia Minor, Rome added Pergamum to the
empire when its rulers made the Roman people their legal heirs. The
Romans usually claimed that they fought to defend themselves, but
as their empire grew, they became increasingly confi dent that it was
their destiny to become a great power. As Cicero declared in 56 b.c.:
“It was by piety and religious scruples and our sagacious understanding of a single truth, that all things are directed and ruled by the gods’
will, that we have conquered all peoples and nations.”8
While popular history lauds the egalitarian virtues of the Roman
Republic, the republic was almost constantly at war. Fighting and
rapacious plunder were facts of life. Victorious generals who killed
Roman
Britain 29
more than fi ve thousand foreigners were entitled to a grand parade
in Rome. The Romans held more than three hundred of these
“triumphs” between 509 and 19 b.c., which means that the republic
dispatched roughly 1.5 million of its enemies during this period.9
These triumphs also demonstrate the naked avarice that lay behind
Rome’s conquests. Livy