letting the window of opportunity close. By the way, General Campbell will report to the overall commander, Lord Cardigan.”
Russell winced. “Is that wise?”
Cardigan had been a controversial figure in the Crimean War and was held at least partly to blame for the failure of the Light Brigade’s attack on Russian positions. He was unpopular with his fellow officers, querulous, stubborn, and argumentative.
“At the moment, he is the best choice available. As in previous conflicts with the United States, several general officers have declined to participate. We will control Cardigan, which brings up another point. We need the Atlantic cable.”
Two attempts had been made to connect North America with Europe by means of a telegraph cable. The first had failed utterly, but the second attempt had been a partial success. Signals had been transmitted back and forth for several weeks until they became weak, distorted, and finally ceased.
“It now takes ten days for a message to cross the ocean in a fast ship,” Palmerston said. “Presuming, of course, that a fast ship is available and that neither bad weather nor mechanical problems develop. That is intolerable. We can communicate with virtually every major city by telegraph except those in the Americas. The good ship
Agamemnon
was our half of the cable-laying enterprise, and I have directed her to seek out and repair the damage. She is at sea as we speak.”
“Excellent,” said Russell. “Although not having swift communications with Washington served us well in the past weeks. Think of what might have occurred had Ambassador Adams been able to contact Lincoln with the news of our taking of the
St. Lawrence.
Lincoln might have called it a quid pro quo and pushed harder for a peace that we might have had to accept. God knows Adams did.”
Ambassador Adams had virtually gotten on his knees in front of Palmerston to make the case that, since each nation had lost a ship, honor had been satisfied. This viewpoint had been iterated in Parliament by Palmerston’s opponents and by opposition newspapers. The attack by the
Gorgon
on the smaller American ship had managed to dampen some people’s enthusiasm for the war, although others thought it was a grand start to an ultimate victory.
“You are correct, of course,” Palmerston said, “but now we need communications. Along with the declaration of war, I have sent Ambassador Lyons in Washington notification that he is to proceed to Richmond and be our representative there.”
Russell arched an eyebrow at the terminology. “But not ambassador?”
To call Lyons an ambassador would mean that Great Britain had officially recognized the existence of the Confederacy as a sovereign nation. This was what the Confederacy desperately wanted. However, after almost a year into its existence, no major nation had officially recognized it.
“We are not quite ready to recognize the Confederacy as a sovereign state. I have had several notes from our beloved Queen Victoria, who, despite her anguish over Prince Albert’s most recent death, has managed to make her views known on the issue. Although she dislikes the Union for its arrogance, rudeness, and crass commercialism, she considers a formal alliance between ourselves and a nation that condones slavery to be most repugnant. She said she would do all in her considerable powers to stop such an alliance and I am afraid she would succeed. The queen may only reign and not rule, but she is beloved and has enormous moral influence. No, there shall be no recognition and no alliance at this time.”
“So what are you planning?” Russell asked. He was confident that Palmerston had something planned. Palmerston always planned.
“Historically, Great Britain has preferred to fight on the oceans while other nations did the bulk of the fighting on the land. We are a seafaring people, not a land power. Let others fight land battles. The armies of the Confederacy fill the bill. They will