Grid of the Gods by Joseph P. Farrell, Scott D. de Hart Read Free Book Online Page B

staircases of this pyramid contain exactly 365 steps, the number of days in a year. But here, as at Tikal, the numbers conceal yet another connection to the Giza Prime Meridian.
    Each of the four staircases up the pyramid are, of course, 90 degrees apart. If one divides 365 by 90, one obtains 4.055, and this is the “tangent of the surface distance of 7123.85 statute miles which separates the Kukulkan Pyramid from Giza’s Great Pyramid.” 33 Like Tikal, the numbers point to a consciously conceived and deliberately constructed system anchored upon Giza. Again, we are looking at a vast machine, and notably, the “sharp pyamids” of Tikal and the obtuse Kukulkan pyramid at Chichen Itza — and those of Teotihuacan as we shall see in a moment — are tied to the two grat Pyramids at Giza, which are in the “perfect” shape to be both antennae resonators and emitters.
    There is, however, a darkness hovering over Chichen Itza, one we have mentioned before, and it is time to begin to address it more directly: human sacrifice. The Popol Vuh makes it clear that both males and females 34 were sacrificed within Mayan practice, and for the usual reasons, to guarantee fertility among the population, and so on. 35
    One passage of the Popol Vuh records the gods’ twisted delight in the smell of the burnt offerings:
    “It has turned out well, your lordships, and this is her heart. It’s in the bowl.”
“Very well. So I’ll look,” said One Death, and when he lifted it up with his fingers, its surface was soaked with gore, its surface glistened red with blood.
“Good. Sir up the fire, put it over the fire,’ said One Death.
After that they dried it over the fire, and the Xibalbans savored the aroma. They all ended up standing here, they leaned over it intently. They found the smoke of the blood to be truly sweet! 36
    A similar attitude to the aroma of sacrifice is recorded in the Book of Genesis:
And Noah builded an altar unto the LORD; and took of every clean beast, and of every clean fowl, and offered burnt offerings on the altar. And the LORD smelled a sweet savor... 37
    But why, at least in Meso-America, would the practice of sacrifice even arise on its famous Grid sites?
    There are only two clues. The first of these is that sacrifice is a kind of payment to the gods. 38 This follows from the idea of the creation account in the Popol Vuh itself: life was not a gift of the gods to man, but was merely a means to an end: mankind’s perpetual service to the gods; mankind was a slave, property, a kind of collateral to perpetual debt, a concept with which we shall have much to say in the next chapter.
    The second clue is provided by the quotation cited above, and by the following:
And this is the sacrifice of little Huanhpu by Xibalanque. One by one his legs, his arms were spread wide. His head came off, rolled far away outside. His heart, dug out, was smothered in a leaf, and all the Xibalbans went crazy at the site. 39
    Here the Xibalbans, the “gods,” are “going crazy” at the site of the sacrifice, and this is consistent with the attitude cited earlier, that the aroma of the sacrifice was pleasing to them, an attitude we find echoed — over and over again in fact — in the Old Testament.
    Viewed objectively, it would appear that bloody sacrifices are understood to induce some change in the state or attitude of conciousness in the “gods.” This, plus the fact that at least in Meso- America’s case these sacrifices are being performed at Grid sites, might be a profound clue as to why the practice arose in the first place.
    To summarize: the practice of sacrifice appears to be tied to two distinct conceptions, as least, in so far as the Popol Vuh is concerned:
1) To the conception of humanity in perpetual slavery, servitude, and debt; and,
     
2) To the idea that bloody sacrifice somehow induces a change in the state or attitude of consciousness in the “gods.”
     
    When we add to this list the observations