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themselves as the arbitrators of land in the colony. In the years immediately following the epidemic, the prospect of eventually forcing the Herero off the land and into native reserves was discussed as a realistic future prospect.
    By the end of the 1890s the position of the Germans in South-West Africa was undoubtedly stronger than it had been in 1896, the year of the Berlin Colonial Show. Not only had the settlers established their presence in Hereroland, the Schutztruppe guarding them had been enormously strengthened. Of the 780 whites reported as residents of Windhoek in the colonial census of 1896, six hundred were soldiers. The army had also expanded its network of fortresses and garrison stations, establishing outposts across Hereroland and the Nama territories in the south.
    Although the accelerated pace of German colonial penetration during the 1890s caused flashes of excitement in the settler bars of Windhoek and the colonial societies of Berlin, when examined from a distance progress was modest. Not only did the Herero withstand the Rinderpest , typhus and malaria epidemics, and hold the line against further German encroachments on theirland, they were also able to rebuild their herds and their wealth. At the dawn of the twentieth century Windhoek and the other white settlements were like base-camps from which the colonisation of the territory might theoretically be attempted at some future date. South-West Africa remained largely in the hands of the Africans. What was questionable in the year 1900 was not the resilience of the Africans in the face of colonial encroachment, but Germany’s long-term commitment to the task of forging a viable colony in the southern African deserts.
    Notes – 6 ‘A Piece of Natural Savagery’
    1 . J. C. G. Röhl, From Bismarck to Hitler: Problems and Perspectives in History (London: Longmans, 1970), p. 61.
    2 . R. d’O. Butler, The Roots of National Socialism, 1783–1933 (London: Faber and Faber, 1941), p. 193.
    3 . Alexandra Richie, Faust’s Metropolis, A History of Berlin (London: HarperCollins, 1998), p. 228.
    4 . Graf von Schweinitz et al, Deutschland und seine Kolonien im Jahre 1896: Amtlicher Bericht ueber die Erste deutsche Kolonial-Ausstellung (Berlin: Verlag von Dietrich Reimer, 1897); G. Meinerke (ed.), Deutsche Kolonialzeitung: Organ der Deutschen Kollonialgesellschaft , Compendium, vol. 9 (Berlin: Verlag der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft, 1896); Felix von Luschan, Beitraege zur Voelkerkunde der deutschen Schutzgebiete: Erweiterte Sonderausgabe aus dem ‘Amtlichen Bericht ueber die erste deutsche Kolonial-Ausstellung’ in Treptow 1896 (Berlin: Verlag von Dietrich Reimer, 1897); J. Zeller, ‘Friedrich Maharero: Ein Herero in Berlin’, in U. Van der Heyde and J. Zeller, Kolonial metropole Berlin (Berlin: Berlin Edition, 2002), pp. 206–11.
    5 . Schweinitz, Deutschland und seine Kolonien , p. 25.
    6 . Luschan, Beitraege zur Voelkerkunde , p. 221.
    7 . Ibid.
    8 . A. Zimmerman, Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), p. 27.
    9 . Schweinitz, Deutschland und seine Kolonien , p. 63.
    10 . J. Gewald, Herero Heroes (Oxford: James Currey, 1999), p. 112; H. Drechsler, Let Us Die Fighting (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1986), pp. 88–119; N. Waterberg, Mossolow (Windhoek: John Meinert (Pty) Ltd, 1993).

Notes
    Notes – Introduction: Cell 5
    1 . Leonard Mosley, The Reich Marshal: A Biography of Hermann Goering (London: Pan, 1977), pp. 427–8.
    2 . The Trial of German Major War Criminals: Proceedings of the International Military Tribunal Sitting at Nuremberg, Germany, 20th November, 1945, to 1st October, 1946 (London: HM Stationery Office, 1946–51), Part 9 (12–22 March 1946), p. 63.
    3 . Ibid., p. 81.
    4 . G. M. Gilbert, Nuremberg Diary , p. 202.
    5 . Trial of German Major War Criminals 9 , p. 63.
    6 . Erich Gritzbach, Hermann Goering: The Man and His Work (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1939), p. 222.
    7 . Joseph Conrad,