lot of quiet thinking. You may remember it was suggested that the Government might intend to use this threat of danger from the comet that is approaching as a means of panicking the public and getting themselves home again on a snap election.’
Sam nodded. ‘Yes. But you said yourself that that could not possibly be their intention because they had decided to keep all knowledge of the comet from the public as long as possible.’
‘Exactly. Fink-Drummond tapped Sam on the grey satin stock he was wearing, with a strong, slightly twisted forefinger. ‘That is the whole point. If they’re not going to use it, is there any reason why somebody else shouldn’t?’
‘I see.’ Sam frowned slightly as his quick brain grasped the trend of the ex-Cabinet Minister’s thoughts. ‘You’re suggesting that, when you’ve got your own followers organised, you should blow the gaff about the comet before the Government has the chance to do so? Accuse them of criminal negligence in failing to take such precautions as are possible against the danger, force a General Election and ride home to power yourself on a panic wave of popular indignation?’
‘Precisely. And I’m certain it could be done.’
‘Perhaps. But have you considered the risk of such a proceeding? To pull off a scheme like that you’d have to stress the danger sufficiently to create a state of national alarm. Once you do that, the masses might get out of hand. Riots, even revolution, might result from such a policy.’
‘That is a risk, of course; but it could be dealt with. And look what you stand to gain. Since the arms race has been stopped by these new treaties, your steel plants must have been feeling the draught pretty badly. Once we get this thing going, they’ll be working overtime again. It will be just like 1938, when the Air Raid Precautions business started. As a protection from the flaming gases of the comet shelters will have to be dug all over the country; thousands of tons of steel girders will have to besupplied; and, naturally, I should see to it that you got the lion’s share of the contracts.’
‘Very decent of you,’ said Sam quietly. ‘And what do you require as a
quid pro quo?’
‘Money, my friend. Without money I can’t possibly fight an election. I shall want £100,000 for Press and election expenses. You put up the funds and leave me to do the rest. How d’you like it?’
‘It requires a little thought; £100,000 is a pretty considerable sum to risk on an election gamble.’
Fink-Drummond drew his heavy brows together in a frown until they almost met over his big, fleshy nose. ‘What’s come over you, Sam?’ he asked impatiently. ‘Your love affair must have dulled your wits, I think. Surely you see that I’m not really asking you to gamble a single cent. You can make your money back time and again on the falling markets, quite apart from any question as to whether I go back to Westminster as P.M. and am able to push any contracts in your way, or not. If this scheme is worked properly, it’ll be far and away the biggest thing that either of us has ever gone into. But if you have any doubts about it, I don’t want to press you. You know quite well that I can get the money from half a dozen people in the City. I’m just making you the first offer, that’s all.’
‘Wait here a moment, will you?’ Sam turned away. ‘I’m just going to get Hemmingway. I always like to have his views on anything that’s really big like this.’
‘Is that necessary?’
‘Yes. Lavina and I must leave in half an hour or we shall miss the Paris plane and, in any case, if I take it on, Hemmingway will have to handle the financial side of it while I’m away.’
When Sam returned a few moments later he had Gervaise with him as well as Hemmingway Hughes. He shut the door carefully behind him and said to Fink-Drummond:
‘You’ve met my father-in-law. He knows all about this comet business, and I told Hemmingway of it myself