the other day. I want them both to know about this proposition of yours.’
Fink-Drummond shrugged. ‘Just as you wish. But it’s most important that as few people as possible should know of our intentions until we’re ready to launch our campaign.’
‘I quite agree,’ said Sam dryly, and, turning to the other two,he added: ‘Gentlemen, Mr. Fink-Drummond has just put up to me the following proposition. The Government, as you know, are aware of the approaching comet but they have decided to keep any knowledge of it from the public as long as possible, in order to avoid unnecessary panic. Mr. Fink-Drummond has suggested to me that I should finance him, to the tune of £100,000, to promote that panic, in order that he may force a General Election and get back to power himself on a wave of national hysteria. In return, he offers me certain very large contracts, for steel to be used in dug-outs and so on, which his Government would order directly he became Prime Minister.’
‘But such a thing is impossible!’ exclaimed Gervaise.
‘Not at all,’ Fink-Drummond replied smoothly. ‘If the Press campaign is handled properly, I should say the odds are a good five to one upon my being Premier by the second week in June.’
‘I was not referring to the possibilities of your unscrupulous scheme, sir, Gervaise snapped, ‘but to the impossibility of my son-in-law soiling his hands with such business.’
‘Thank you,’ said Sam. ‘I was quite sure that was the way you would feel and it’s the way I feel myself.’
Fink-Drummond drew himself up. ‘I can only excuse Mr. Stapleton’s ill-considered expressions on the grounds that, having lived here buried in the country for so long, he can have no understanding of the methods people like myself are sometimes compelled to use to bring about political necessities. Please be good enough to order my car.’
‘I haven’t finished yet.’ Sam held up his hand. ‘Mr. Fink-Drummond has also informed me that, if I refuse him the financial assistance that he seeks, he will endeavour to secure it elsewhere, and I have no doubt whatsoever that he will be able to do so, if not from British, then from foreign financiers.’
‘But listen, now,’ Hemmingway Hughes cut in, ‘surely Mr. Fink-Drummond can’t have fully considered the sort of situation which he proposes to bring about. For one thing, the stock markets will slump to zero directly he gets his Press campaign going.’
‘What of it?’ said Fink-Drummond coldly. ‘Those of us who are in the know should all be able to pick up a fortune.’
Gervaise frowned. ‘You do not seem to consider the miserythat such a slump might bring to thousands of small investors.’
‘My dear sir,’ Fink-Drummond turned towards him, ‘it is quite clear that you know little of high finance. Small people make or lose money every day, but that is no concern of the professionals who control the markets.’
‘But that’s only the start of it,’ Hemmingway Hughes cut in again. ‘To put this thing over, you’d have to make people believe that their lives were in danger. There would be the most frightful panics, demonstrations, riots. You might throw the whole country into a state of anarchy.’
‘There would naturally be a certain amount of trouble,’ Fink-Drummond conceded, ‘but we should proclaim martial law and with a good man at the War Office, we should soon get the unruly elements under.’
‘What?’ exclaimed Sam. ‘You actually mean that to serve your own ambitions you’re prepared to plunge the country into such a state of strife that there will be street-fighting and the troops will be called out to fire upon our own people? I’ve always known you were pretty unscrupulous, but this …’
‘That’s quite enough,’ snapped Fink-Drummond. His face dark with rage, he took a quick step towards the door. ‘You’re behaving like a fool and later you’ll regret it. Kindly send for my car.’
‘One moment,’