Defending Constantine: The Twilight of an Empire and the Dawn of Christendom by Peter J. Leithart Read Free Book Online
Authors: Peter J. Leithart
Tags: Non-Fiction
M. Coleman, "Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments," Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990): 53. Bowersock (Martyrdom and Rome, p. 18) makes the same connection, also citing Coleman's article.
42Joe1 Marcus, "Crucifixion as Parodic Exaltation," Journal of Biblical Literature 125, no. 1 (1996).
390n voluntary martyrdom, see Bowersock, Martyrdom and Rome; de Ste. Croix, "Aspects."
'Coleman, "Fatal Charades," p. 66. The point can be made from the other direction as well: Christians applied the category of sacrifice to the martyr (Heyman, Power of Sacrifice, chap. 4).
"Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 3 vols. (New York: Modern Library, 1982), 1:31, 33; 2:87; quoted in Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, pp. 21-23.
45Burckhardt, Age of Constantine the Great, pp. 252-55.
"David S. Potter, "Martyrdom as Spectacle," in Theater and Society in the Classical World, ed. Ruth Scodel (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), pp. 61-65.
47 Voltaire, On Toleration, available at classicliberal.tripod.com/voltaire/toleration.html, accessed June 10, 2009.
"Frederick Pollock, Essays in Jurisprudence andEthics (London: Macmillan, 1882), pp. 144-75.
491bid., pp. 145-51.
"Potter, "Martyrdom as Spectacle," explores the theatrical and "spectacular" dimensions of martyrdom.
S1Lactantius, Death, p. 34. Burckhardt (Age of Constantine, p. 250) suggests that Galerius is rebuking Christians for abandoning their own ancestral practices, but that seems highly unlikely.
520n the integration of religious and political life in Rome, see Jorg Rupke, Religion of the Romans, trans. Richard Gordon (Cambridge: Polity, 2007); Mary Beard, John North and Simon Price, Religions ofRome, vol. 1, AHistory (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1998).
14 Craig Carter, Rethinking Christ and Culture: A PostChristendom Perspective (Grand Rapids: Brazos, 2006), provides little more than a page covering the period between Christ and Constantine (pp. 78-79). John Howard Yoder regularly speaks glowingly of the martyr church but rarely acknowledges this as the context for Constantine. J. Alexander Sider (To See History Doxologically': History and Holiness in John Howard Yoder's Ecclesiology," Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 2004, p. 154) is correct that from Yoder one could get the impression that the Galerian and Diocletian persecution were not all that significant in the formation of "Christian consciousness" in the early fourth century. Robert L. Wilken (The Myth of Christian Beginnings [Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1970], p. 55) says that the "trauma" of persecution marked Eusebius for life.
"The phrase is from Roldanus, Church in theAge of Constantine, p. 32.
'For summaries of the crisis, see Jakob Burckhardt, The Age of Constnatine the Great, trans. Moses Hadas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), chap. 1, and A. H. M. Jones, Constantine and the Conversion of Europe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), pp. 14-19. David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, Routledge History of the Ancient World (London: Routledge, 2004), pts. 2-3, is a richly detailed account. Simon Corcoran, "Before Constantine," in The Cambridge Companion to theAge of Constantine, ed. Noel Lenski (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 37, offers the more modest view that eschews universal explanations, is more skeptical of contemporary anxieties, and argues that a genuine crisis, brought on by invasions, is most evident in the imperial court and the army.
2Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), p. 3.
3The first Roman emperor has many names. Octavius was his given name, but he is also known by the variant Octavian during parts of his life. Augustus (revered one) was a title given to him in 27 B.C. The protocols of proper usage being unnecessary for my purposes, I refer to him indiscriminately either as Octavius or as
42Joe1 Marcus, "Crucifixion as Parodic Exaltation," Journal of Biblical Literature 125, no. 1 (1996).
390n voluntary martyrdom, see Bowersock, Martyrdom and Rome; de Ste. Croix, "Aspects."
'Coleman, "Fatal Charades," p. 66. The point can be made from the other direction as well: Christians applied the category of sacrifice to the martyr (Heyman, Power of Sacrifice, chap. 4).
"Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 3 vols. (New York: Modern Library, 1982), 1:31, 33; 2:87; quoted in Drake, Constantine and the Bishops, pp. 21-23.
45Burckhardt, Age of Constantine the Great, pp. 252-55.
"David S. Potter, "Martyrdom as Spectacle," in Theater and Society in the Classical World, ed. Ruth Scodel (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), pp. 61-65.
47 Voltaire, On Toleration, available at classicliberal.tripod.com/voltaire/toleration.html, accessed June 10, 2009.
"Frederick Pollock, Essays in Jurisprudence andEthics (London: Macmillan, 1882), pp. 144-75.
491bid., pp. 145-51.
"Potter, "Martyrdom as Spectacle," explores the theatrical and "spectacular" dimensions of martyrdom.
S1Lactantius, Death, p. 34. Burckhardt (Age of Constantine, p. 250) suggests that Galerius is rebuking Christians for abandoning their own ancestral practices, but that seems highly unlikely.
520n the integration of religious and political life in Rome, see Jorg Rupke, Religion of the Romans, trans. Richard Gordon (Cambridge: Polity, 2007); Mary Beard, John North and Simon Price, Religions ofRome, vol. 1, AHistory (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1998).
14 Craig Carter, Rethinking Christ and Culture: A PostChristendom Perspective (Grand Rapids: Brazos, 2006), provides little more than a page covering the period between Christ and Constantine (pp. 78-79). John Howard Yoder regularly speaks glowingly of the martyr church but rarely acknowledges this as the context for Constantine. J. Alexander Sider (To See History Doxologically': History and Holiness in John Howard Yoder's Ecclesiology," Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 2004, p. 154) is correct that from Yoder one could get the impression that the Galerian and Diocletian persecution were not all that significant in the formation of "Christian consciousness" in the early fourth century. Robert L. Wilken (The Myth of Christian Beginnings [Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1970], p. 55) says that the "trauma" of persecution marked Eusebius for life.
"The phrase is from Roldanus, Church in theAge of Constantine, p. 32.
'For summaries of the crisis, see Jakob Burckhardt, The Age of Constnatine the Great, trans. Moses Hadas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), chap. 1, and A. H. M. Jones, Constantine and the Conversion of Europe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), pp. 14-19. David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, Routledge History of the Ancient World (London: Routledge, 2004), pts. 2-3, is a richly detailed account. Simon Corcoran, "Before Constantine," in The Cambridge Companion to theAge of Constantine, ed. Noel Lenski (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 37, offers the more modest view that eschews universal explanations, is more skeptical of contemporary anxieties, and argues that a genuine crisis, brought on by invasions, is most evident in the imperial court and the army.
2Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), p. 3.
3The first Roman emperor has many names. Octavius was his given name, but he is also known by the variant Octavian during parts of his life. Augustus (revered one) was a title given to him in 27 B.C. The protocols of proper usage being unnecessary for my purposes, I refer to him indiscriminately either as Octavius or as
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