their relative prices seemed incredibly logical. Everyone was willing to pay more for the keyboard than for the trackballâand also pay more for the 1996 Hermitage than for the 1998 Côtes du Rhône. The significance of this is that once the participants were willing to pay a certain price for one product, their willingness to pay for other items in the same product category was judged relative to that first price (the anchor).
This, then, is what we call arbitrary coherence. Initial prices are largely âarbitraryâ and can be influenced by responses to random questions; but once those prices are established in our minds, they shape not only what we are willing to pay for an item, but also how much we are willing to pay for related products (this makes them coherent).
Now I need to add one important clarification to the story Iâve just told. In life we are bombarded by prices. We see the manufacturerâs suggested retail price (MSRP) for cars, lawn mowers, and coffeemakers. We get the real estate agentâs spiel on local housing prices. But price tags by themselves are not necessarily anchors. They become anchors when we contemplate buying a product or service at that particular price. Thatâs when the imprint is set. From then on, we are willing to accept a range of pricesâbut as with the pull of a bungee cord, we always refer back to the original anchor. Thus the first anchor influences not only the immediate buying decision but many others that follow.
We might see a 57-inch LCD high-definition television on sale for $3,000, for instance. The price tag is not the anchor. But if we decide to buy it (or seriously contemplate buying it) at that price, then the decision becomes our anchor henceforth in terms of LCD television sets. Thatâs our peg in the ground, and from then onâwhether we shop for another set or merely have a conversation at a backyard cookoutâall other high-definition televisions are judged relative to that price.
Anchoring influences all kinds of purchases. Uri Simonsohn (a professor at the University of Pennsylvania) and George Loewenstein, for example, found that people who move to a new city generally remain anchored to the prices they paid for housing in their former city. In their study they found that people who move from inexpensive markets (say, Lubbock, Texas) to moderately priced cities (say, Pittsburgh) donât increase their spending to fit the new market. * Rather, these people spend an amount similar to what they were used to in the previous market, even if this means having to squeeze themselves and their families into smaller or less comfortable homes. Likewise, transplants from more expensive cities sink the same dollars into their new housing situation as they did in the past. People who move from Los Angeles to Pittsburgh, in other words, donât generally downsize their spending much once they hit Pennsylvania: they spend an amount similar to what they used to spend in Los Angeles.
It seems that we get used to the particularities of our housing markets and donât readily change. The only way out of this box, in fact, is to rent a home in the new location for a year or so. That way, we adjust to the new environmentâand, after a while, we are able to make a purchase that aligns with the local market.
S O WE ANCHOR ourselves to initial prices. But do we hop from one anchor price to another (flip-flopping, if you will), continually changing our willingness to pay? Or does the first anchor we encounter become our anchor for a long time and for many decisions? To answer this question, we decided to conduct another experimentâone in which we attempted to lure our participants from old anchors to new ones.
For this experiment we enlisted some undergraduate students, some graduate students, and some investment bankers who had come to the campus to recruit new employees for their firms. Once the experiment started we
Don Pendleton, Dick Stivers