Indios, which is a far more comprehensive study of these cases. See also Nancy E. van Deusen, “Seeing Indios in Sixteenth-Century Castile,” William and Mary Quarterly 69:2 (April 2012), 205–234; and Nancy van Deusen, “The Intimacies of Bondage: Female Indigenous Servants and Slaves and Their Spanish Masters, 1492–1555,” Journal of Women’s History 24:1 (Spring 2012), 13–43. The closest we can get to an Indian narrative in this early period is a complaint written by a Chichimec cacique named Don Francisco Tenamaztle during his imprisonment in Valladolid, Spain, in 1555. Don Francisco recounted the myriad abuses perpetrated by the Spaniards on his people in northwestern Mexico. But strictly speaking, his voice is that of an aggrieved Indian leader, not that of a slave, and his account is too brief and general to be of much use. “Informaciones hechas en Valladolid este año a pedimento del cacique don Francisco Tenamaztle, remitido preso desde la provincia de Xalisco, de donde era señor,” Valladolid, 1555, in Alberto Carrillo Cázares, ed., El Debate sobre la Guerra Chichimeca, 1531–1585, 2 vols. (Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacán, 2000), 2:513–535.
9. On sex and age ratios for African slaves, see Eltis and David, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 162–166. It is true that sex ratios were somewhat more balanced during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries than at the height of the transatlantic trade in the eighteenth century. But even in this earlier period, males constituted amajority of those transported to the New World. African sellers of slaves typically offered more women and children than the buyers wanted. For an excellent discussion of this phenomenon, see David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), chap. 4. Less than one in every ten slaves was a minor during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a ratio that increased in the eighteenth century, but only to one in five.
10. For excellent discussions of slavery and gender in the Mediterranean, see Sally McKee, “Slavery,” in Judith M. Bennett and Ruth Mazo Karras, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Women and Gender in Medieval Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 281–294; Sally McKee, “Domestic Slavery in Renaissance Italy,” Slavery and Abolition 29:3 (September 2008), 305–326; Aurelia Martín Casares, La esclavitud en la Granada del siglo XVI: Género, raza y religión (Granada: Universidad de Granada y Diputación Provincial de Granada, 2000); and António de Almeida Mendes, “Child Slaves in the Early North Atlantic Trade in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” in Gwyn Campbell, Suzanne Miers, and Joseph C. Miller, eds., Children in Slavery Through the Ages (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2009), 19–34.
11. Price information for the Caribbean comes from Mira Caballos, El indio antillano, 288–289. For Central America, see Sherman, Forced Native Labor, 70; for Chile, see Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile, 143, 147; and for New Mexico, see The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun, 162.
12. See, for example, “Pleito fiscal: Catalina de Olvera,” Santa Olalla, December 9, 1551, to May 4, 1552, AGI, Justicia, 1179, N. 1, R. 2. An Indian from Pánuco named Luis was taken when he was only eleven and transported to Spain, where he remained for about twenty-five years before he mustered enough courage to sue his master, Nuño de Guzmán, the notorious slaver and former governor of Pánuco. See real cédula (royal order or decree), Valladolid, June 30, 1549, “Ejecutoria del pleito de Nuño de Guzmán,” AGI, Patronato, 281, N. 1, R. 3.
13. See Gaspar’s testimony in the trial against his master, Bartolomé Vallejo, Seville, December 12, 1561, “Pleito fiscal: Bartolomé Vallejo,” AGI, Justicia, 856, N. 2.
14. Aurelia Martín Casares’s excellent discussion about the scholarly stereotypes of enslavement being passed from one generation
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