credit that life in a place this beautiful could be anythingbut peaceful and comfortable. Settlements were spaced out along the road almost at regular intervals like mile markers.
Half an hour outside Banja Luka, they had to stop as a column of ten tanks crossed the highway, a mix of Yugoslav-era M-84s and Soviet surplus T-55s. In a field to one side, regular army troops were digging in, building firing positions for towed artillery that was pointed south toward Sarajevo. It was just an exercise, Eric knew, but there was a sense of urgency to the scene as though the soldiers involved expected to be doing this again for real at some point soon.
âTake a look at the flags,â Eric said. The lead tank was flying a tricolor flag with horizontal stripes of red, blue, and white. Similar flags were flying from the antennae of the self-propelled guns digging in for whatever exercise was under way.
âWhat is that? Serbian?â
âThatâs the flag of Republika Srpska.â
âI thought Bosnia had a unified army now. Wasnât that the one major accomplishment of post-Dayton integration?â
âIt was,â Eric agreed. âBut that deal has broken down and the army has splintered. Most of the heavy weapons belong to the RS now.â
âIs DimitroviÄ right, Eric?â Annika asked sadly, after they had navigated their way past the army encampment. They were driving through a small town of crumbling timber-and-wattle homes. It had been a mixed village before the war, with most of the villagers identifying themselves as Yugoslavs to the census takers. Now, the village was almost entirely Serb and it had something of the air of a ghost town. The High Representativeâs mood seemed to match that of the town, tired and forlorn.
âRight about what?â
âThis,â she said, gesturing out the window. âThat the people here canât live together, that they wonât live together, that theyâre better off apart.â
âThe old ancient hatreds argument?â
âYes. What if itâs true? What does that mean for Bosniaâs future and what weâre trying to do?â
âI donât think it is true,â Eric said, trying to project conviction, knowing how easy it was for peacemakers in the Balkans to slip into a kind of fatalistic despair about a region that seemed to work so hard at resisting accommodation and compromise. âOr rather, I donât think itâs necessarily true. The reality is that the ethnic groups in this part of the world have lived together in relative peace for longer than theyâve been killing one another. Mixed marriages were common here before the war.â
âAnd what about Srebrenica? Or Jasenovac?â During the Second World War, the Nazi puppet regime in Croatia had murdered hundreds of thousands of Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies. The most notorious death camp, Jasenovac, was a cultural touchstone for the Serb side every bit as powerful as Srebrenica was for the Bosniaks or as Vukovar, the object of a vicious three-month siege at the outbreak of the Yugoslav wars, was for the Croats. Bosnia did not have a single history. It had three self-contained narratives.
âThis isnât Disneyland,â Eric said. âHistory here offers up plenty of violence, shocking violence. And itâs often organized along ethnic lines. But history is not destiny. When Tito died, the Communist Party held Yugoslavia together with Scotch Tape and glue for ten years. But in the end, it couldnât survive the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Nationalist feelings had been suppressed under the communists, not eliminated. Ethnicnationalism was there right under the surface. It offered people a sense of identity, of belonging. The violence didnât have to be a part of that picture. A few leadersâMiloÅ¡eviÄ on the Serb side, TuÄman in Zagreb, and even IzetbegoviÄ in