Czech government that led to
the occupation of Bohemia and Moravia, the creation of Slovakia, and the
March 23 occupation of the Memel region.
Kleist went on to say: ‘‘Hitler . . . has decided it is necessary to bring
Poland to her knees. To a small circle of persons around Hitler, it was
known that the last German proposal would be rejected by Poland. Hitler
and Ribbentrop were convinced that because of foreign and domestic pol-
icy considerations, the Polish government would not accept the German
demands. Only for this reason could Germany have been able to insert the
point in its proposal on guarantees of the inviolability of frontiers for 25
years. German calculations were correct. On the strength of Poland’s re-
fusal, we now have a free hand in dealing with her.’’ At this point in his
briefing, Kleist was probably referring to negotiations with Poland’s for-
eign minister, Josef Beck.
Kleist’s next words were harsher:
If Poland does not agree to German proposals and does not capitu-
late in the weeks ahead, one can scarcely doubt that in July, August
she will be the victim of a military attack. . . . Major strategic oppo-
sition by the Polish army will be overcome in 8–14 days. The attack
on Poland will be carried out simultaneously from Germany’s east-
ern border, from Slovakia, Carpatho-Ukraine, and East Prussia. The
offensive must be carried out in the fiercest way and, as the German
general staff conceives it, should lead to a stunning success. The
remaining centers of opposition that will, without doubt, exist in
the entire country will be suppressed in the most merciless fash-
ion. . . . German preparations against Poland have been postponed to
July–August. Military measures will be undertaken not long before
the offensive. They must be executed thoroughly and completely
camouflaged.
Kleist concentrated on the themes for a propaganda offensive against
Poland, listing the ploys and slogans that were to be emphasized in the
PROSKUROV SETS STALIN STRAIGHT
17
campaign: ‘‘Under the slogan ‘Poland—State of Reaction and Decay,’ we
must reveal the poverty of the Polish peasants, the cultural backwardness
of the country, the feudal methods of running the economy and existence
of a starving Polish population. . . . The goal of this campaign is to affect
world public opinion and the Polish population; one must achieve a split
within the Polish nation and dissatisfaction with the Polish leadership on
the part of the Polish population, exploiting class differences. Preparations
for the propaganda attack against Poland will take about two months.’’
Kleist examined various situations that would provide Germany with
a pretext for initiating military action:
It would be ideal if the conflict with Poland was not seen as brought
about by Germany. At the present time, we in Berlin are discussing
the question of bringing the Ukraine into the affair. Voloshin [A. Volo-
shin, head of the autonomous government of Carpatho-Ukraine] and
Iu. Revai [a minister in that government] are agreed concerning . . .
the broad autonomy of the Carpatho-Ukraine within the framework
of the Hungarian states. With this we have again won the trust of the
Ukrainian masses in eastern Galicia and strengthened the frayed
military might of the Ukraine. No special propaganda is needed to
work up Ukrainian leading circles; they will remain faithful to Berlin.
We might later give the western Ukraine the signal to revolt. From
Slovakia and Transcarpathian Ukraine we could send weapons and
arms as well as well-trained Ukrainian fighters. There is such close
contact between Lvov and Berlin that there can be no doubt about an
uprising in the Ukraine. Thus, creating the seeds of unrest in the
Ukraine will give Germany the opportunity to intervene militarily on
a large scale. This project, however, creates concern in Germany over
one danger—the possible reaction of the Soviet
Pittacus Lore, James Frey, Jobie Hughes